Hindutvas, Thieves of History

Note: Repost from the old blog. This will continue a series of posts opposing the Hindutvas in India and the abject horror of (objectively fascist) Indian nationalism in general. First of all, in its present form, the state of India has no right to exist. Prior to 1947, there was no India. Prior to British colonialism, there was no India. There was really no Hinduism either. It was British colonizers who made note of the varying Indian forms of religions and collated them into a supposedly univariate object called “Hinduism”. It was British anthropologists, colonizers and cartographers who invented this thing called “India”. The whole blasted Hindutva lie is based on the ludicrous notion of a “Bharat India”. This Bharat India is a fake nation that has supposedly existed for at least hundreds and usually thousands of years. Its borders vary, but always include all of Pakistan and Bangladesh, not to mention the entirely to the failed state of India. Yes, you have it right, Hindutvas and Indian nationalism in general rejects the right of either Bangladesh or Pakistan to self-determination. Both are “organic” parts of the Indian nation torn loose from the bosom of the bloody soil of Bharat, in need of a fascist irredentist war of national consolidation to bring them back into the fold. Surely they claim Sri Lanka too. There are many other places that lack an independent history. Hindutvas claim Burma, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and Indonesia and sometimes the Philippines. Bharat India extends past Pakistan, through Afghanistan to Iran and all the way to Azerbaijan. Why Iran and Azerbaijan, you ask sensibly? Because “Hindu” fire temples have been found there, that’s why. Everyone else seems to think that these are Zoroastrian fire temples, but whatever. One theory of the name of Azerbaijan is that jan is a word in Urdu, Farsi and Turkic meaning “fire”. In many Middle Eastern cultures (except Semitic), fire symbolized life. A burning fire meant a full, living life, and a dead fire meant death. Azerbaijan had abundant oil and gas deposits even back before drilling was known. Apparently, the oil and gas bubbled to the surface and caught fire in places. Azerbaijan was “land of the fires”. This is also the area where Zoroastrianism was said to have originated. None of these lands have a history of their own. Hindutvas, thieves of historical dreams, claim their histories for them. In fact, it incredibly extends even further. Hindutvas actually claim to have built Greek and Roman civilization! Yet somehow these brilliant Indians were unable to transport this great knowledge back to India where it could have done some good. Hindutva lies and propaganda are nasty things. There are over 1 billion people in India, and if the most brilliant of them fall for the Hindutva crap (And they do!) you can imagine what fertile soil the minds of average ignorant Indian is for this garbage. Pakistan was created by Britain, the evil colonist, they scream. It must be returned to the bosom of Bharat! But no, Allama Iqbal coined the name and the idea, and Ali Jinnah pushed for it. But these two were Islamic fundamentalists, the Hindutvas screech, ready to put 50 million more Hindus to the flames and finish the job the Moguls started. But no again. Jinnah, the whiskey-loving Muslim, and Iqbal, were secular men. Jinnah was committed to equal rights for all, especially the Hindus of Pakistan. That his successors shat on his dreams is no fault of the great man. Instead of being an evil British plot to tear the heart of Bharat from its bloody chest, the notion of Pakistan was opposed by the sober and worried British. Yes, Pakistan is a new state, but it is an old civilization. Italy was formed in the 1800’s, but it is the inheritor of Roman civilization. The Greeks were not freed from the Ottoman yoke until the same century, yet they are children of Socrates and Plato. Iran did not become a state until 1935, yet it is properly recognized as the descendant of ancient Persian civilization. Pakistan had a history before 1947 and even before Islam, and it was not necessarily entirely cognate with India’s history (however defined!) at all. Let us keep in mind that in 1947, the colony of India was freed from the British. As a fake new country with no history at all, the parts of that country had a right to self-determination. At that time, India was composed of about 3,000 princely states. This was the nature of the Indian region before British colonialism, and the British never entirely dismantled it. 3,000 princely states were never incorporated into any kind of non-colonial entity remotely called “India” at any time. A number of these states refused to join India, and India immediately dragooned an army together and attacked every one of these states full force, causing many deaths and injuries. All recalcitrant states were dragged into the fake new state kicking and screaming. Kashmir, 9 In 1947, the UN ordered India to hold a plebiscite on Kashmir so the people could have the right to self-determination. To this day, India has refused to implement this resolution. India must be placed, alongside Turkey, Israel, Indonesia and Morocco, as a colonial international scofflaw. The entire Northeast of India is made up for the most part of Asians or Mongoloids. Many are Buddhists and same are animists. In neither race, nor culture, nor history, nor religion do they resemble most Indians. The no-man’s land of the Northeast was forcibly incorporated into India by British colonialists in the late 1800’s, long after they first colonized India. The area is not even an original colony. From the start, the entire northeast has refused to join India, and most of the region has been up in arms ever since. It’s clear that India has no right whatsoever to this entire region. I include the states of Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and even parts of Assam. As the fascist Jewish nationalists run amok, turning their corner of Wikipedia into Judeopedia, so their fascist Hindutva allies run amok in their corner of Wikipedia, transforming it into Hindupedia. See this article on the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh for example. Who knew that the tracts, not to mention all of Bangladesh, are really part of India? As Pakistani nationalists seek to assert their right to construct their own national identity free from fascist Hindutvas, so too to Bengalis from Bangladesh seek to assert their own history. Pakhub is a good spot for young Bangladeshi and Pakistani patriots, mostly secular, seek to ownership of their national narratives from Hindutva hegemony. The liars of the Right are so wrong to marry fascism and Communism. The Left has always been about national sovereignty, cultural and linguistic freedom and even at the extreme, the right of self-determination. The Bolsheviks were the originators of these themes, which now play out across our world, especially in Europe, New Zealand, Australia, Canada and Colombia, where indigenous peoples and linguistic minorities are granted freedom ranging from cultural and linguistic freedom all the way to tracts of land where they have significant political rights of governance. On the other side is the Right and fascism and imperialism. All nation-building and wars of national consolidation are objectively imperialist or fascist. Where the Left seeks autonomy of nations, the fascists and imperialists wish to consolidate them all into a single land, crush everyone but the most numerous, and force everyone into one organic nation-state, eradicating centuries of linguistic and cultural history. Where the Left fights colonialism and imperialism, the Right wages endless rhetorical and actual irredentist and revanchist wars to reclaim the lost lands of yore and subjugate or toss out the new owners. Where Stalin and Mao crushed nations and imposed Russian and Han hegemony on languages and cultures, they were veering into fascist territory. There can be no progressive claim to such things.

Please follow and like us:

4 thoughts on “Hindutvas, Thieves of History”

    Only later did I realize how great the strain was. Menon was already hatching plans to seize the 1394-square-mile Portuguese enclave of Goa, on the west coast of India. I have authentic information that Menon and Lieutenant General B. M. Kaul, the chief of the general staff, planned to send a party of Indian border police into Goa, some of whom would allow themselves to be captured by the Portuguese.
    The rest were to fall back and give the alarm. Under the pretext of rescuing the captured border guards, a small Indian force would move in and engage the Portuguese. The main body of Indian troops would then quickly overrun Goa, which is about the size of Rhode Island. In late November 1961 Nehru got wind of the scheme and summoned Menon and the senior military chiefs. He rebuked them for plotting direct action against Goa without his permission. Menon persisted. With the help of hand-picked lieutenants like G. K. Handoo, a top security officer, he stepped up subversion against the Portuguese in Goa. The Indian border police under Handoo’s direction recruited, trained, and equipped saboteurs, who were slipped across the border into Goa. Fabricated stories about Portuguese “border provocations” were fed to the Indian press.
    On December 7, 1961, Menon lent the weight of his official position to the concoctions. He told the Lok Sabha: “Reports Have been pouring in for the last two weeks of intensified firing activity, oppression and terrorism in Goa and of heavy reinforcements of Portuguese armed forces…. There was a report of 2,500 troops having been deployed along the Goa border… also a report of a fleet of two Portuguese frigates standing guard…. 3,000 more troops from African and other places have also arrived…. It was also reported that dawn-to-dusk curfew had been imposed and that anyone coming after the curfew hours would be shot at sight…. Another report said that in Daman over 1,000 Portuguese soldiers had landed…. The Portuguese armed forces are thus poised near the border at various points to overawe and intimidate both the residents of Goa and those living in the border villages on the Indian side. Hit-and-run raids across the border already seem to have started. A raid in a village near Savantvadi was reported two days ago.”
    There was indeed a military build-up under way, but it was on the Indian, not the Portuguese, side. Rail traffic throughout northern and western India had been disrupted to move the elite 50th Paratroop Brigade and the 17th Infantry Division to jumping-off positions near the Goa border. Elements of the First Armored Division were also deployed. In full view of the Goan coast, India had assembled a task force compose of the newly acquired aircraft carrier Vikrant, two cruisers, a destroyer flotilla, at least two antisubmarine frigates, two antiaircraft frigates, and supporting craft. Canberra jet bombers and Gnat and Vampire fighters had been concentrated at Belgaum to support the ground and naval units.
    Contrary to what Menon had said, no Portuguese reinforcements ever reached the 3,500-man garrison in Goa and the two smaller enclaves in India. Against India’s heavy Centurion tanks, the Portuguese could muster only a handful of 1942- vintage armored reconnaissance cars. They had no air force whatever. Their only warship was the seventeen-year-old sloop Afonso de Albuquerque, which went into action against the entire Indian armada. I know these facts firsthand because I spent ten days covering every part of Goa before the Indians invaded, and I was there during the take-over. My own observation leads me to credit the estimate by foreign military attaches that India enjoyed at least a ten-to-one numerical superiority over the hopelessly ill-equipped and outmanned Portuguese defenders. The invasion of Goa actually began more than twenty-four hours before India announced early on December 18, 1961, that its troops had been ordered to move in. On Sunday morning, December 17, several other Western correspondents and I ran into bearded Indian troops dug in at least a quarter of a mile inside Goan territory. They had taken over the Sinquervale frontier post, abandoned three days before by the Portuguese, who feared that its exposed position would give the Indians an opportunity to provoke a shooting incident.
    The Indians needed no pretext. The other correspondents and I alighted from our taxi to walk several hundred yards to what we expected would be a Portuguese frontier post. There was an ominous silence until we heard a voice shouting to us in Hindi to stop. A turbaned Sikh trained his machine gun on us. We explained that we were British and American newsmen and asked to see the officer in charge. We were then taken into custody and held at the post for an hour, until an Indian Army captain in paratroop uniform arrived on the scene. He questioned us about the condition of the roads in Goa, then told us to return to Pangim, Goa’s capital, in the taxi we had brought. As we left, he said matter-of-factly: “It’s all right your coming here in daylight. But tonight or, rather, at night we couldn’t guarantee your safety.” That night the push was on.
    Soon after the invasion began, Menon called a news conference in New Delhi. He was in a jaunty mood. India, he explained, had been “forced” to send troops into Goa to protect the civil population against the breakdown of law and order and the collapse of the “colonial regime.” I know from my own observation that there was no breakdown of law and order and no collapse of the regime in Pangim or any of the many other places I saw in Goa. I had twice visited the central prison in Pangim, and found it occupied by only eleven bored inmates, seven of them political prisoners. There had not been a single case of arson, looting, or terrorism in Pangim in the ten days before the Indians invaded. There was no curfew there or anywhere else in Goa. Where isolated acts of terrorism or sabotage had taken place, it was established that most of them were committed by infiltrators trained and equipped by Handoo’s Indian border police. Menon had talked about the people of Goa being “shot down, repressed, and massacred.” He had said that the Goans must achieve their own liberation. But the striking thing about Goa on the eve of the Indian take-over was its tranquility. There was no popular resistance movement worthy of the name. Portugal was not particularly popular, but neither was India except among a section of Goan Hindus (mostly lawyers, teachers, and other middle-class professionals), who hoped their status would improve under Indian rule. They are already showing signs of disappointment.
    Many of Goa’s 228,000 Christians (out of a total population of 640,000) might have preferred to maintain some link with Portugal as insurance against being swamped by the fast-growing Hindu majority. My own feeling is that a majority of politically conscious Goans would have elected for autonomy or actual independence if they had been given the choice. Ten days before Indian troops had moved onto Goan soil, Menon told the lower house of Parliament, “The position of the government is that there is no question of our going and liberating Goa. The question is that we shall not leave our places undefended….” He termed Indian troop movements “precautionary,” and said flatly, “There is no question of suddenly hitting or attacking; Government… is not thinking of any operations.”
    A few years before, Menon had publicly affirmed, “I say categorically that India will not take one step that involves the use of force to alter a situation, even if the legal right is on her side.” Nehru had been even more specific. Speaking of Goa in Parliament on September 17, 1955, he said, “We rule out non-peaceful methods completely.” Even a police action, he said, would lay Indians open to the charge of being “deceitful hypocrites.” He insisted that reliance on peaceful methods to bring Goa into India “is not only a sound policy, but the only possible policy.”
    Such is India’s record on Goa. It has earned Menon the epithet of the “Goa constrictor.” I have never been able to understand why the resort to force to seize Goa surprised so many people in America and Britain. Nehru champions many Gandhian ideals, but pure nonviolence is not one of them. He has used violence before in Kashmir and against the princely state of Hyderabad in 1948. He is still using it against the Naga rebels fighting for their independence in extreme eastern India. During the first fifteen years of independence, Indian police have fired on Indian crowds at least as frequently as the British used force during the last fifteen years of their rule. For his part, Menon has never even paid lip service to Gandhianism. He calls it “good merchandise” but boasts that he does not need it. For me, the most significant thing about the Goa operation is the light it sheds on Menon’s power at that time to manipulate Nehru and the rest of the Indian government for his own ends. To what extent Nehru believed Menon’s fraudulent version of events leading up to the take-over is difficult to say at this stage. The Prime Minister was under heavy pressure from the Army and public opinion on the eve of the 1962 elections to demonstrate that he could deal firmly with foreign intruders. No action being possible (in Nehru’s judgment) against the Chinese, he may have felt compelled to move on Goa. I have never accepted the notion that Goa was primarily designed to enhance Menon’s electoral prospects in North Bombay. Menon was convinced he could win without Goa because he had Nehru and the Congress machine working for him.

  2. THE INDIAN INVASION OF DADRÁ E NAGAR-AVELI By Agnelo Gracias, Dabul, Bombay
    Dadra and Nagar-Aveli are two adjacent enclaves of Portuguese India located in the interior from Damaõ. Administratively, they belong to the District or Conselho of Damaõ, under the Governor of Damaõ. Dadra’s headquarter is the village of Dadra; the town of Silvasa is the headquarters of Nagar-Aveli.
    Of the small police force manning Dadra, three policemen, Sub-Chefe Aniceto do Rosario, Sub-Chefe Antonio Fernandes, and a third policemen chose to obey the dictates of their conscience and to stand by their flag — that of Portugal — rather than heed the alluring and insidious seduction of traitors to join them in their treason. Aniceto and Antonio paid for their loyalty with their very lives, two stalwart patriots and heroes martyred by the Indian terrorists.
    The Crime
    On the 21st of July 1954 at 9.30 p.m. the Dadra Police Station was violently attacked and two police personnel of the Portuguese Indian Police Force, Sub-Chefe Aniceto do Rosario and Sub-Chefe Antonio Fernandes were murdered and a third injured. Next morning, the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru stated that he was surprised to read of the incident in the newspapers.
    Ten months later, the Bombay weekly Current carried an article by the editor D.F. Karaka, raising a number of embarrassing questions on the armed assaults on Dadra and Nagar Aveli and asked where the volunteers, admittedly invading Dadra & Nagar-Aveli from Indian territory, had procured their arms from in a country (India) where there had been the strictest control on the possession of fire-arms.
    Many years later, I came to know from a Goan ‘Nationalist’ (i.e. Indianist or pro-Indian partisan) that the telegram to proceed with the assault on Dadra had come from Nehru himself. If one is to read the graphic descriptions of the preparations for, and the assault itself, one can conclude conclusively that the planning for the same had taken place over several months.
    When eye-witnesses were interviewed many years later, they recalled the firing on and the return fire from the defenders of Dadra within the besieged Police Station to have lasted some 20 minutes and that the next morning the Indian flag was seen flying over the Police Station, with Indian policemen already manning the building.
    The Background
    Since Indian independence, the Governors of Damaõ, as well as the other officials of the District, including the Europeans, had always been allowed, by custom and tradition, to cross the Indian territory between Damaõ on the coast and the interior enclaves of Dadra and Nagar-Aveli, and to go and return from Vapi, without any formalities of visas or presenting themselves to the Indian authorities.
    But there had been diplomatic notes from India to Portugal demanding the unconditional transfer (cession) of the six Portuguese enclaves (Goa, Damaõ, Dio, Dadra, Nagar-Aveli & the Isle of Anjediva) to the Indian Union and after these notes had been rebuffed by the Government of Portugal, the Indian Union decided to close down its legation in Lisboa with effect from the 11sth June 1953.
    This, indeed, was the take-off signal for the Indian Union authorities to make false allegations on the treatment of Indians within Portuguese territories in order to justify its action against the Portuguese civil and police personnel transiting between Damaõ and the two enclaves (Dadra & Nagar-Aveli) dependent on it.
    Preparations Start
    Against the background of some alleged harassment of two Indians, B.S Sood and Bhatnagar, (identified by the Goan community as two of the many Indian spies and provocateurs) of the many thousands of Indians who had visited Goa for the Exposition of the Relics of St. Francis Xavier in December 1952, the Indian Union chose to withdraw the facilities of visa-less travel between Damaõ and its dependent enclaves from 26th October 1953 — 10 months later.
    The Indian Ministry of External Affairs had stated in its note No D.6886 of 23 December 1953 that the District Magistrate of Surat was being authorized to grant transit visas to Portuguese European officials going from Damaõ to Dadra and to Nagar-Aveli, but in actual fact the District Magistrate claimed that his duty was only to notify the Passport Office in Bombay of the movements of Portuguese European officials and the issue of visas was still the responsibility of the Indian Consul-General in Nova Goa (Pangim).
    From 3 February 1954 the Government of India prohibited the transshipment of arms and ammunition from Damaõ to Dadra & to Nagar-Aveli except for those arms carried personally the by the Governor-General of Goa and diplomatic personnel accredited to India.
    The Build-Up
    On 12 March 1954, Dr. Vasco Vieira Garin, Minister of Portugal in New Delhi drew the attention of the Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, that the population of Damaõ had been forbidden by India to purchase foodstuffs from Indian markets near the border and that Indian police posts in a radius of 20 to 30 kilometers from the border had been reinforced with 300 plain-clothes armed men.
    On 9 April 1954, Dr. Pedro Teotonio Pereira, Ambassador of Portugal in Washington D.C., issued a confidential diplomatic note that following the withdrawal of the Indian Legation in Lisboa on 11 June 1953, there bad been an intensification in anti-Portuguese propaganda in India, that even postal services to Portuguese India had been subject to delay and that insurmountable difficulties had been placed in the transit of Portuguese officials between Damaõ and Dadra & Nagar-Aveli.
    On 24 April 1954, the Legation of Portugal in New Delhi protested the new restrictive measures on motor traffic between Damaõ and Dadra & Nagar-Aveli. In a separate note of the same date, Dr. Vasco Vieira Garin exposed a new system of permits for all Portuguese officials, not just Europeans, to enter and cross Indian territory.
    On 27 April 1954 Dr. Garin called the attention of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs to persistent rumours of invasion of Portuguese villages in Dio. On 6 July 1954 the Legation of Portugal in New Delhi verbally took up with the Indian Ministry of External Affairs the sudden arrest and deportation to Goa of a long-standing Bombay resident, Mr. Pompeia Viegas.
    The Aggression
    On 22 July 1954 the Portuguese Government of Goa telegraphed Lisboa that On his arrival at the frontier on 22 July 1954 the Governor of Damaõ had been refused permission to proceed to Dadra & Nagar-Aveli on fictitious grounds that separate visas for arrival and departure were required and not on the passport presented; but, having obtained these visas at Vapi, he visited Dadra but on his return to Vapi he was sent back to Dadra for awhile in order that he may not see the movement of Indian troops being deployed, as per intelligence, for the invasion of Dadra, and The Governor was encountering hostile preparations, the outcome of which appeared in the Indian press on 22 July 1954. There had arrived at Vapi a group of about 1200 “volunteers” consisting of ex-Indian military personnel and officials, about a dozen jeeps, and radio and combat equipment. On the same day, namely, 22 July 1954 the Portuguese Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified the press that links between Damaõ and Dadra & Nagar-Aveli had been cut, that Dadra had been practically encircled by a Mahratta Infantry unit, that between Dadra and Nagar-Aveli considrable armed forces had been placed, and that the situation there was grave.
    The following day the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Lisboa, announced that an aggression had been launched against Dadra and deplored the loss of life of and injuries to the police personnel defending Dadra.
    The Portuguese Legation in New Delhi in a note No. 98 dated 24 July 1954 to the Indian Ministry of External Affairs communicated that Dadra had been the object of armed aggression, that as a result of the hindrance of communications between Damaõ and Dadra & Nagar-Aveli the Portuguese Government was not fully aware of the details of what had happened, that a state of violent usurpation did exist which could not in any way impair the sovereignty and the rights of Portugal in connection with the victims of aggression, and that the Indian Union grant transit facilities to the Portuguese armed forces and the authorities staying in Damaõ to enable them to re-establish the order that had been disrupted.
    The Ground Reality
    Bombay newspapers on the morning of 22 July 1954 reported that the first chunk of Portuguese territory had been “liberated” by the United Front of Goans and displayed a photograph of its president Francisco Mascarenhas, in gumboots as “Supreme Commander” hoisting the Indian flag in front of the Dadra Police Station the previous night.
    It transpired that the renegade Francisco Mascarenhas had actually been holed up by Indian military personnel in the waiting room at the Vapi Railway Station until the violent occupation of the Police Station had been accomplished in around 20 minutes, starting at 9.30 p.m. on 21 July 1954 and only then was he transported to the site of the murder of its defenders, the patriots Aniceto do Rosario and Antonio Fernandes in order to moderate public opinion to what the Indian press made it appear — an action purely undertaken by “anti-Portuguese” Goans.
    Aniceto Rosario was in charge of the Police Post, Antonio Fernandes and the third man were under him. Another officer, Francisco Xavier Stein de Lira, fled from the rear of the Police Post, leaving the rear door open for the enemy.
    According to the brother of Sub-Chefe Aniceto do Rosario, an engine-driver of the Indian Railways, on the morning of 21 July 1954, some men had called at the Dadra Police Post to advice Aniceto do Rosario and his subordinates that they planned to attack at night-fall, and advising him and his men to surrender but Rosario and his men (except one) opted to remain steadfast with the Portuguese Flag even unto death.
    In front of the Police Station stands the Flag Post, where the National Flag used to fly. As the mob of terrorists charged the Police Post, one of them attempted to tear down the National Flag; Antonio Fernandes could not stand this desecration but rushed out and shot him down; for his labours, he received the crown of martyrdom at their hands.
    Aniceto do Rosario and another, a Muslim, held the Police Station, and with a judicious use of their arms, shot down many of the terrorists. However, they were vastly outnumbered, and one of the terrorists crept in from behind, through the back door left open by Stein de Lira, and stabbed the great martyr in the back, thus bringing him his martyr’s crown.
    Stein de Lira cooperated with the terrorists, and became a collaborator; the enemies triumphantly flaunted him as the “Regidor of Dadra”, and as a means of justifying themselves.
    So heavy was the toll inflicted by the heroes upon the terrorists that, according to eye-witnesses, at least two truckloads of their corpses had to be carted away.
    For his courage and integrity, Dom Aniceto do Rosario was awarded post-humously the highest award of Portugal: “Order of the Tower and Sword”.
    The bodies of Aniceto do Rosario and Antonio Fernandes were buried in a field adjacent to the site of their martyrdom. The Indians refused to permit any markers, but a cleric insisted on placing markers on their graves. Later, their remains were repatriated to Damao, where they were re-intered in the Fort.
    In the city of Damaõ, the streets near their homes were named after our heroes: Aniceto do Rosario and Antonio Fernandes. The Indians have renamed these streets after some of their fellows, after the Occupation of Damaõ, in December 1961.
    Viva Portugal!
    Agnelo Gracias, Dabul, Bombay.
    Further Notes
    In the morning of July 21, 1954 some men visited Aniceto do Rosario at the Dadra police station and told him that ‘they’ would be coming in the evening and he and his men should surrender but instead he put up a fight. The post was attacked around 9.30 p.m. from across the road and firing continued for around 20 minutes. The rear door of the police station was open and that is where the miscreants entered and killed Aniceto do Rosario and Antonio Fernandes. They were buried in the grounds of the Franciscan monastery in Dadra but somewhere in 1959/60 through the intervention of the Red Cross and after personal application of Aniceto’s brother to the government of India the remains were allowed to be taken to Damao.
    Till the battle at Dadra was over, Francis Mascarenhas was kept waiting in the Vapi waiting room and then he was driven to Dadra to make it appear that he ‘liberated’ it as ‘supreme commander.’
    One Pereira, senior police officer after Falcao, wanted to put up a stand at Canoel but when he found that Fidalgo and Falcao had crossed into Indian territory, he surrendered with his men who were kept in detention at Canoel till November and were then allowed to proceed to Damao. When Fidalgo and Falcao crossed into Indian territory in Nasik District they were brought to Bombay and were at the residence of a Parsi, Mr. Contractor, who harboured them for few days till they got back into Portuguese territory.
    For six months the residents of Dadra and Nagar Aveli were not allowed to step out of the areas till a formal permit system was introduced.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *


Enjoy this blog? Please spread the word :)